This week we see again the ‘final’ swearing in for the officials of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).  The historic event is dubbed as “ARMM’s terminal phase” and the sworn in people as “terminal officials”. 

Well it is the final curtain call for the ARMM is the next Act after the new Basic Law is enacted into Law.  Meanwhile, the ARMM is already condemned to death and buried in the historical ‘trash can’ by no less than PNoy by describing it as a ‘failed experiment’. 

It is a very STRONG condemnation of nearly 25 years of continuing attempts to self-governance or autonomy.  There were ups and downs during the experiment. Graft and corruption and the issue of political dynasty during the Ampatuan rule made the ARMM infamous. (Yet, it is NOT the politics in the ARMM that led to the Maguindanao Massacre but the politics in the Province of Maguindanao that was also ruled by the Ampatuan).

By any reckoning 25 years of any political structure, including barangay would be considered young.  And ARMM is a new venture into something new like self-governance and shaping political and economic relations with “Imperial Manila”. The whole experiment is akin to a dance of ‘Tango”.  As in Tango, the hand and the cue of the male dancer determine and shape the beauty of the dance.  And the case of a political ‘dance’ like the ARMM, the National Government principally determines both the success and failure of the political experiment.

Malacañang continues to determine the elections in the ARMM.  From the beginning to the present, Malacañang anoints who would govern in the ARMM from the Governor to all the members of the Regional Legislative Assembly – both district and sectoral members.  It is also Malacañang that determines and holds the string of the ARMM budget through the DBM’s cash allotments and releases.  The national government line agencies determine the capital outlay and programs of the line agencies in the ARMM.

The whole relationship is an anomaly of any autonomous set-up of experiment in self-rule.  As it is, the ARMM is only autonomous in name.  The behavior of Malacañang determined and shaped the present ARMM simply as an adjunct political structure to the Office of the President.  It is this control by Malacañang that renders the ARMM as a misnomer experiment in self-governance. 

Early on, the years previous to PNoy, the tenants in Malacañang were demure and rather slow to judgment in their description of the ARMM experiment.  In the first place, they knew that the failures in the ARMM were equally their doings or neglect.

But this is no longer true with the present tenant in Malacañang. While this tenant continues to enjoy the perks of appointment and anointment of ARMM officials and the allocation of budget for the ARMM operations, it is NOT ready to assume responsibility.  The tongue of the present tenant is much faster in judgment than allowing or even nurturing the ARMM experiment to flourish. 

PNoy had NO qualm and hesitation in canceling the ARMM Elections in2011 notwithstanding it is supposedly autonomous area governed by Organic Act. And when the elections were canceled, PNoy appointed all the officials in the ARMM. Notwithstanding all the officials in the ARMM are all the PNoy’s men and women, the now infamous stimulus fund meant to ‘jump start’ development in the whole ARMM are coursed through all the nearby regional set-up’s other than the ARMM. Infrastructure developments, including the repair and rehabilitation of national highways under the Stimulus Fund in Maguindanao are managed by the National Government and Region 12; In Lanao del Sur, the stimulus fund is coursed through Region 10; and in the Island Provinces of Basilan, Sulu and Tawi Tawi, the infrastructures are managed by Region 9.  These are few examples of the anomaly in the experiment of self-governance.

Perhaps, PNoy’s behavior is simply consistent to his perception of the ARMM. The whole thing is a failed structure anyway so why breathe new life into it.  It would point that PNoy enjoys the perks in the ARMM while rearing to bury it in the ‘kangkongan ng kasaysayan’, the moment any agreement is reached between the GPH and MILF.  When the Bangsamoro Transition Authority or BTA is established, the whole ARMM would automatically cease to exist!

Under this condition, people in the ARMM are questioning the rationale of reforming the ARMM when the said structure is in terminal stage.  Whatever is accomplished, both good and bad, would cease to exist with the abolition of the ARMM.  Perhaps, the real questions people should be asking is what kind of ‘wake’ and ‘funeral arrangement’ are in the opting given PNoy’s harsh judgment of ARMM and the national government’s continuing culture of disdain over the ARMM experiment of self-governance.

Fr. Eliseo Mercado is senior policy adviser at the Institute for Autonomy & Governance. Follow him on Twitter @junmeromi.