Representatives from the Government of the Philippines (GPH), Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation (formerly the Organization of Islamic Conference or OIC), met at the New World Hotel on Sept. 7 and 8. After two days of deliberations, the parties agreed on the agenda for next tripartite review on the implementation of the 19-year old Final Peace Agreement (FPA) and the venue.

Oh I See, say many frustrated peace advocates, exasperated at the snail’s pace of the tripartite review. A colleague remarked: “Another review? Didn’t the parties already agree, several years ago, on consensus points for the implementation of the FPA?”

Another told me, “Is this a move to supplant the Bangsamoro Basic Law with amendment of RA (Republic Act) 9054, and merely provide additional powers for the Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao?” This from a colleague who is extremely suspicious of the rationale behind Senator Ferdinand “Bongbong” R. Marcos Jr.’s alternative Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL). Is Senator Marcos backing the MNLF to support his father’s 1976 Tripoli Agreement with the MNLF?

The Tripoli Agreement paved the way for the creation of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) and the end of the war for independence waged by the MNLF.

However, Mr. Misuari accused then-President Ferdinand E. Marcos of betraying the agreement by his unilateral action to create two autonomous regions -- one for Central Mindanao, which included Maguindanao and Maranao provinces and one for Region 9 (Zamboanga Peninsula, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi and Basilan). The MNLF went back to the mountains.

Meanwhile, the late Ustadz Salamat Hashim, opposing the peace talks and suspicious of President Marcos, had left the MNLF, later organizing the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).

It would take President Corazon C. Aquino to jumpstart the talks with the MNLF. Under the late President Cory, the Philippine Constitution included the creation of two autonomous regions: in Muslim Mindanao and the Cordilleras. Congress passed RA 6734, “An Act Providing For An Organic Act For The Autonomous Region In Muslim Mindanao” on Aug. 1, 1989. Again, Misuari opposed the unilateral action of government and went back to the mountains.

Meanwhile, a plebiscite was conducted but only Maguindanao, Lanao del Sur, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi joined ARMM.

President Fidel V. Ramos continued the peace talks and succeeded. The government and MNLF signed the FPA on Sept. 2, 1996 providing for, among others, the strengthening of and expansion of the ARMM. RA 9054 -- and the integration of MNLF combatants into the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Philippine National Police. The signing of the FPA was the first peace agreement signed in Asia, earning for Messrs. Ramos and Misuari the Félix Houphouët-Boigny Peace Prize from UNESCO.

In the 2001 plebiscite, Basilan and Marawi City voted for inclusion in the ARMM. Mr. Misuari was elected Regional Governor.

Ambassador Sayed El-Masry, OIC Special Envoy for Peace in the Southern Philippines (PCSP), chaired the meeting at New World. The PCSP is composed of Bangladesh, Brunei Darussalam, Egypt, Indonesia, Malaysia, Libya, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Senegal, and Somalia.

Organized during on the 10th anniversary of the FPA (2006), the PCSP first met a year after it was set up (Jeddah, November 2007).

Lawyer Randolph “Bong” C. Parcasio headed the Misuari-led MNLF delegation and was the acknowledged spokesperson of the MNLF combined leadership under the Jeddah Formula. Muslimin Sema, also a signatory to the issued communiqué, representing the “new” MNLF organization.

If you recall, the Macapagal-Arroyo administration supported the move of MNLF leaders to remove Mr. Misuari as Chair.

This group, known as the Council of 15, installed Dr. Parouk Hussin, then Chair of the MNLF committee for foreign relations. Dr. Hussin later became the ARMM Regional Governor. It is also important to note that Chair Sema’s wife, Congresswoman Sandra Sema, is championing the Bangsamoro Basic Law.

Undersecretary Jose “Joe” I. Lorena (Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process) led the GPH delegation. Undersecretary Joe, a friend and colleague, used to be a lawyer for the MNLF during the peace talks that led to the signing of the FPA in 1996, together with Atty Parcasio.

Mr. Misuari, upset that Joe chose to accept a government appointment after the signing of the FPA, used to call Joe a “traitor”. In truth, Misuari called several MNLF leaders who joined government “traitors”. The dynamics of the tripartite meetings must be quite interesting.

What was discussed?

First, a briefing on the status of the BBL.

Second, the implementation of the Bangsamoro Development Assistance Fund (BDAF).

Third, the implementation of the co-management of strategic minerals. Fourth, the integration of MNLF Forces into the Philippine National Police and Armed Forces of the Philippines.

What was agreed on? Well, after two days, they finally agreed on the agenda and venue for the next meeting (Jeddah) on a still unspecified date. Oh I See.

So many questions and concerns come to mind.

First, if the BBL is passed, what happens to the FPA?

Will there really be a willingness on the part of the MNLF to acknowledge that the BBL implements the FPA when, as they say, there are so many issues that have not yet been resolved -- hence the tripartite talks.

Second, what happens to the BDAF when government and its development partners have invested so much time, money and effort into the packaging of the Bangsamoro Development Plan (BDP) under the leadership of the MILF Bangsamoro Development Agency? The financing component of the BDP is in the billions of pesos, funding physical and human infrastructure, investment in business enterprises, among many.

How is the BDAF different from the funding of the BDP?

Third, on the co-management of mineral resources.

The discussions in Senate and the House on strategic minerals has already resulted in the weakening of the GPH-MILF Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro, which had a formula for the co-management of natural resources. Some of our influential legislators want the natural resources of Muslim Mindanao to be under the control of the national government, which is contrary to the spirit of the Local Government Code.

Mr. Lorena, when he was negotiating for the MNLF, pointed out that ARMM’s control over its mineral and water resources is within bounds of law, under the principle of devolution. Joe’s position was later called “the Lorena Doctrine” by the MNLF.

On this point, I wonder if the desire of Mindanao’s political leaders to establish a Mindanao Power Corp., a move supported by Chair Lualhati Antonino of the Mindanao Development Authority is the fuel that drives the lobby in Congress to take away control over resources such as water from the ARMM/Bangsamoro?

Spokesperson Parcasio maintains: “With respect to the contentious issue of control and supervision, of strategic minerals the MNLF asserts that the national government shall devolve the function of control and supervision to the autonomous government.”

He also reminds all parties to adhere to all agreed and signed documents during the eight-year period of the review as term of reference for BDAF and the Co-management of Strategic Minerals.

To ensure the implementation of all agreements reached during the parties also agreed to establish a Tripartite Implementation Monitoring Committee composed of representatives from OIC, MNLF, and GPH.

Oh I See.

Even Peace Adviser Teresita “Ging” Quintos-Deles showed her frustration when she earlier challenged the OIC to “complete the review, otherwise, they will stay with the review process and will not implement anything.”

Well, let us see.

Amina Rasul is a democracy, peace and human rights advocate, and president of the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy. Surveil is her column in BusinessWorld.